Wang Qishan's Inner Circle Faces Collective Dismissal as Xi Jinping's Great Purge Rivals Mao and Stalin

Xi Jinping visits the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall to pay his respects. (online image)

[People News] Recently, personnel changes within the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) of the Communist Party of China have drawn significant attention from the international community. On July 3, CCDI Secretary Li Xi chaired a Standing Committee meeting, during which it was noted that several deputy secretaries, including Xiao Pei, a close aide of Wang Qishan, were absent from the proceedings.

Xiao Pei, who was a key assistant to Wang Qishan during his tenure in the Beijing propaganda system and at the CCDI, has now been reassigned to a relatively low-profile role as Deputy Director of the Social and Legal Affairs Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. This move signifies his exit from the core power structure of the CCDI. Shortly after, several of Wang Qishan's former key subordinates, including Li Xiaohong and Zhou Liang, were also dismissed from their positions.

Xi Jinping's latest round of purges targeting high-level factions within the Communist Party, which focuses on political loyalty, reveals the harsh underlying logic and core strategy of Xi Jinping's power dynamics: individuals are used and then discarded, reflecting a level of ruthlessness that surpasses that of historical autocratic leaders.

Wang Qishan was once the chief executor of the anti-corruption campaign during Xi Jinping's early tenure and a staunch defender of Xi's policies. Following the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Wang Qishan took on the role of Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, ruthlessly eliminating political adversaries from the Jiang Zemin faction. His efforts were crucial in stabilizing Xi Jinping's leadership and consolidating his personal power. During Xi's first term, more than 440 high-ranking officials at the provincial and ministerial levels were investigated, with prominent figures like Zhou Yongkang, Guo Boxiong, Xu Caihou, and Sun Zhengcai being taken down one after another. Wang Qishan's effectiveness was remarkable, making him one of Xi Jinping's most distinguished aides, as he helped remove obstacles and successfully laid the groundwork for constitutional amendments that abolished term limits, thereby facilitating a high concentration of power. However, with his significant achievements came jealousy; Wang Qishan's capabilities, personal charisma, and political influence clearly exceeded those of Xi Jinping. He made notable contributions within the Communist Party's economic and financial systems and possessed extensive compromising information on the entire bureaucratic apparatus within the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. This undoubtedly posed a negative signal of power threats to the suspicious and petty-minded Xi Jinping.

According to reports from Ming Pao and other media outlets, Xiao Pei, aged 65, has reached the retirement age for officials at the ministerial level. However, it is common for the deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) to serve a full term. Xiao Pei's career has been closely linked to Wang Qishan: he has served as the editor-in-chief of both Beijing Youth Daily and Beijing Evening News, and as the deputy director of the Beijing Municipal Committee's Propaganda Department. During the preparations for the Olympics, he was the director of the News and Publicity Department of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games, while Wang Qishan, who was then the mayor of Beijing, acted as the executive chairman. After Wang Qishan was promoted to a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and secretary of the CCDI in 2012, Xiao Pei was swiftly transferred to the Research Office of the General Office of the Central Committee, where he directly served Wang Qishan. He later entered the CCDI system, holding positions as the director of the Propaganda Department, deputy director of the Supervision Department, and deputy secretary.

Xiao Pei's absence, as a close confidant of Wang Qishan, is not a mere coincidence. Following Wang Qishan's departure from office, several of his former associates in the financial and inspection systems have faced serious issues. Li Xiaohong, the former director of the Office of the Central Inspection Work Leading Group, was dismissed; Zhou Liang, Wang Qishan's former secretary and deputy director of the National Financial Regulatory Administration, was investigated in March of this year; Wang Qishan's close associate Dong Hong received a death sentence with a two-year reprieve; and Tian Huiyu along with other high-ranking officials have all been dismissed. Reports from overseas media suggest that the political and business network established by Wang Qishan has been systematically dismantled by Xi Jinping's administration.

Xi Jinping's obsession with power and the veneration of his personal cult have reached alarming levels. This is evident not only in his betrayal of Wang Qishan, but also in his actions within the military, where he has marginalized Liu Yuan and sentenced Liu Yazhou to life imprisonment. Following the 20th National Congress, he directly purged high-ranking officials in the Rocket Force, with Li Shangfu, Wei Fenghe, and two former defense ministers receiving suspended death sentences. He Wei Dong and Miao Hua from the 31st Army have been ousted, and Zhang Youxia, who has familial ties, remains detained without resolution. Even Qin Gang, the foreign minister he personally appointed, and Politburo member Ma Xingrui have both fallen from favor. Recently, overseas media have reported that Xi Jinping is highly dissatisfied with Chen Xi, the former president of the Central Party School, who sleeps on the upper bunk at Tsinghua University. Chen Xi is now treading carefully, with his future uncertain.

An analysis article published by The Wall Street Journal, titled 'How Xi Jinping Uses Stalin and Mao Zedong's Strategies to Suppress Dissent,' highlights how Xi has drawn from the centralized tactics of the two major communist leaders of the 20th century: large-scale purges, the cultivation of a personal cult, demands for absolute loyalty, and the establishment of a framework for indefinite rule.

Stalin eliminated internal dissent through the Great Purge and promoted young cadres who demonstrated unwavering loyalty, while Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution, a nationwide political movement that incited a wave of personal worship to solidify his authority. Xi Jinping has not only adopted these strategies but has also taken them to new extremes. He has abolished term limits and executed the fastest purges in history, even targeting those he personally elevated. The Wall Street Journal notes that Xi has removed three sitting Politburo members within six months, setting a record since 1976. By continuously 'clearing out' potential rivals, he ensures that the core of his power consists solely of absolute loyalists.

The Wang Qishan incident serves as a textbook example of Xi Jinping's manipulation of imperial power tactics. Wang Qishan, once Xi Jinping's most trusted ally, was used as a tool in Xi's anti-corruption campaign to aggressively target political adversaries. However, when Wang's power structure began to pose a potential check on Xi's authority, he became a victim of Xi's strategy to 'cut the hem of the skirt.' Xi's harsh treatment of former loyalists is not merely a factional struggle; it exemplifies a cold political strategy characterized by a 'used and discarded' approach to power. This mirrors Stalin's purges of the old Bolsheviks and Mao Zedong's downfall of former comrades. Xi, however, has implemented a more rapid, high-density, and comprehensive cleansing method under the guise of anti-corruption and a so-called self-revolution political movement, ensuring the eternal concentration of power.

This cleansing process is an integral part of Xi Jinping's model of centralization. According to an analysis by The Wall Street Journal, Xi has increasingly dismissed external expert opinions, leading to highly centralized decision-making and a gradual decline in the acceptance of external suggestions for economic planning. This approach resembles Mao Zedong's personal decision-making dominance in his later years, but it avoids the public disasters associated with the 'Great Leap Forward,' instead presenting a narrative of 'Chinese-style modernization.' The resurgence of personal worship, from the core to historical resolutions, positions Xi alongside Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, further solidifying his political ambitions.

Since his retirement, Wang Qishan has maintained an unusually low profile. He resigned as Vice President of the State in March 2023 and has made very few public appearances since then. Wang has publicly acknowledged his submission to Xi Jinping, yet this has not spared him from Xi's extensive purge. There are unverified reports from abroad suggesting that he has been 'disappeared' since October 2023 and is currently under house arrest. While these rumors remain unconfirmed, they align with the reality of his faction being systematically dismantled. Although Xi Jinping has not yet taken direct action against officials at the Standing Committee level, the restrictions imposed on them and their political marginalization are sufficient to instill fear in others. This action by Xi Jinping sends a clear message to the outside world: the line between allies and adversaries is merely a matter of his discretion; loyalty is expected without exception, and while loyalty may not be absolute, submission must be both total and enduring, or the consequences could be severe.

Reflecting on history, after Stalin's death, the power vacuum created by his purges led to Khrushchev's secret speech that revealed the atrocities committed, causing the Soviet model to gradually weaken until its eventual collapse. Following Mao Zedong's death, Hua Guofeng briefly transitioned into power, but Deng Xiaoping quickly took control, repudiating the Cultural Revolution and steering the country towards reform and opening up. The Xi Jinping model represents a significant regression; the introduction of lifetime tenure poses succession risks for the Communist Party of China. If the power transition fails to hold, or if the Supreme Leader's health falters, it could very well trigger intense political upheaval, potentially resulting in the collapse of the Communist Party's regime.

In the current situation where China's economy is in continuous decline, and the international environment is becoming increasingly complex and deteriorating, the sustainability of the highly centralized power led by Xi Jinping is in question. History has shown that authoritarian regimes maintained through fear and purges only plant the seeds of political instability. The rise of Xiao Pei from the propaganda system to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection was facilitated by Wang Qishan. Wang Qishan had previously supported Xi Jinping in his anti-corruption campaign, but now one of his subordinates is being targeted, which underscores the political brutality of the Xi Jinping era within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Xi Jinping's ambition to surpass Mao Zedong in centralization is evident not only in the institutional revival of Maoism but also in the power struggles, where everything must serve the consolidation of personal authority.

The recent purge of Wang Qishan's loyalists exemplifies Xi Jinping's systematic strategy of 'use and discard.' This indicates the impossibility of a return to the CCP's collective leadership system and signifies that Xi Jinping's personal power will remain the core model of power execution within the CCP for the long term. It also highlights the operational logic of the entire system: in the face of absolute power, there are no absolute allies, only absolute obedience. Xi Jinping is fixated on providing direction for both China and the world; however, Stalin and Mao Zedong have already shown him the way, which is that excessive concentration of power can lead to the downfall of political authority.

In this context, the future of Li Xi is worth monitoring. As the head of the disciplinary inspection system, he must consistently demonstrate loyalty while also avoiding becoming the next target of purges. Ahead of the 21st National Congress of the CCP, such personnel changes are expected to become more frequent, serving Xi Jinping's long-term governance strategy.

(First published in People News) △