The new prophecy mentions that Xi will face a rebellion from the military and local warlords. The image shows the representatives of the Chinese military attending the Two Sessions in Beijing. (Video screenshot)
[People News] On September 4, the Ministry of National Defense of the Communist Party of China held a routine press conference. According to the spokesperson's announcement, following a mudslide disaster in Jilong County, Shigatse City, Tibet, the Communist Party's 'People's Liberation Army and armed police forces have resolutely implemented Chairman Xi's important directives, promptly activating the emergency response mechanism to fully support local disaster relief efforts.'
However, it is ironic that the outcome of this resolute implementation of Xi's directives is that, as of September 3, the military has only deployed a total of 726 officers and soldiers, 24 engineering machines, and 60 sets of specialized equipment, along with more than 20 helicopter and drone flights. In summary, the number of rescue personnel and helicopters sent by the military is quite limited.
According to information from the first press conference held by the Tibet government on September 2 regarding the '8·26' mudslide in Jilong County, the Communist Party utilized 24 helicopter flights to deliver rescue personnel and supplies to the core area, with a total of over 2,300 rescue personnel, more than 400 rescue vehicles, over 8,000 sets of rescue equipment, and more than 800 drone flights, among other resources.
This indicates that within the relatively small number of rescue forces mobilized by the Communist Party, the proportion of military personnel and equipment is not significant. This stands in stark contrast to Nepal, which mobilized over 21,000 security personnel, including 10,000 soldiers, clearly demonstrating who prioritizes the needs of disaster victims.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has restricted information regarding the disaster area, preventing civilian rescue teams from entering. Their own rescue personnel are limited, particularly the number of soldiers who should be leading the efforts. The reasons for this are straightforward: firstly, they aim to conceal the truth, not wanting the outside world to be aware of the actual death toll or the damage to military and utility infrastructure in the region under CCP control.
Secondly, the CCP likely knows, through satellite technology and ground monitoring, that Jilong Port and its surrounding areas have suffered total devastation, with the likelihood of survival for border inspection personnel, soldiers, and civilians crossing the border being extremely low. The absence of any rescues thus far serves as clear evidence, yet the CCP is reluctant to inform the public directly and feels compelled to maintain appearances. Consequently, the only actions the CCP rescue teams can take are to shout 'Is anyone there?' for show and display their rescue supplies. When compared to the genuine rescue efforts from Nepal, such actions are indeed embarrassing.
Regarding the military's strict adherence to Xi's directives, I believe it is largely a superficial effort, aimed merely at maintaining a facade.
In a previous article, I suggested that the lack of active participation from the Western Theater Command and the Tibet Military District in disaster relief is linked to the recent arrests of high-ranking military officials, widespread anxiety, and dissatisfaction within the military ranks. Although Xi remains the nominal Chairman of the Central Military Commission, his ability to effectively command the military is questionable. While there is discontent within the military, they are hesitant to openly resist orders from Beijing, leading to a passive response.
One must wonder: what is the state of Xi's authority today? How effective is his control over the military?
On September 4, the Chinese Communist Party's military unveiled the August edition of the "PLA Pictorial." Similar to the May, June, and July issues, the cover once again omitted Xi Jinping, featuring instead a soldier blowing a horn under the morning sun, which may suggest some kind of metaphor.
As in July, Xi had significant activities in August, yet despite overseas criticism regarding the repeated omission of Xi from the cover, the Chinese military unabashedly removed him again. Who made this decision? If Xi still wields considerable power within the military and the party, would anyone dare to take such an action?
As previously analyzed, while various tangible and intangible news about Xi continues to dominate the headlines, it is an undeniable fact that the military and even local high officials are effectively downplaying his presence. For example, the ninth "Strong Army Discussion Forum" held in Beijing in mid-July was further downgraded; during the "August 1" speech by General Dong, he emphasized that the military must "listen to the Party and follow the Party" before mentioning that they should be guided by "Xi Jinping Thought"; the military newspaper's "August 1" editorial followed a similar pattern, stating that "the entire military must align its thoughts and actions with the decisions and deployments of the Party Central Committee and the Central Military Commission," without referencing "Chairman Xi"...
Moreover, senior officials of the Communist Party, including Xi, have frequently referred to "the leadership of the Communist Party" and the need to "uphold the collective leadership system of the Party Central Committee"; during a press conference in Tibet, a senior official noted that while implementing Xi's directives, they must also adhere to the spirit of the Politburo meeting, a situation that would have been unthinkable during the period when Xi held absolute power as the "one respected leader."
These signs further suggest that Xi's authority is waning, and the senior leadership of the Communist Party of China has come to a certain consensus, which may be revealed to the public during the Fifth Plenary Session scheduled for October.
(Originally published by People News) △
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