The new Defense Minister, Dong Jun, might add another layer of drama to the 46th Prophecy of the Tui Bei Tu. Provided by "人物真相" (The Truth of People).
[People News] Following reports that the CCP’s Director of the Political Work Department, Miao Hua, is under investigation, the UK’s Financial Times reported on November 27 that both current and former U.S. officials have revealed that China’s Defense Minister Dong Jun is also under investigation for corruption. This has once again sparked widespread public attention. On November 28, Chinese Ministry of Defense spokesperson Wu Qian addressed the media, dismissing the reports as "pure fabrication" and "maliciously intended." He stated that China strongly opposes such "slanderous actions" and specifically mentioned Dong Jun’s meeting with Japan’s defense minister on November 21. However, Wu Qian also confirmed that Miao Hua is under suspension and investigation.
The last time Dong Jun was seen in public was on November 21, when he attended the ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting in Laos. Whether the claims about Dong Jun being under investigation are fabricated can be corroborated by one particular event.
According to a November 27 post by Singapore’s Ministry of Defense on Facebook, Chief of Defense Force Rear Admiral Aaron Beng visited China from November 24 to 27. During his visit, he met with General Liu Zhenli, a member of the Central Military Commission (CMC) and Chief of Staff of the CMC Joint Staff Department. The two sides exchanged views on global and regional security issues, reaffirmed the strong defense relations between Singapore and China, and expressed their commitment to enhancing defense cooperation. This was Aaron Beng’s first official visit to China since becoming Singapore’s Chief of Defense Force in March last year.
Singapore’s Armed Forces (SAF) consist of four branches: the Army, Navy, Air Force, and the Defense Cyber and Intelligence Group. It is considered one of the most powerful and technologically advanced militaries in Southeast Asia. The SAF is led by the Chief of Defense Force, who is appointed by the President of Singapore upon the recommendation of the Cabinet.
The Chief of Defense Force holds the highest military position in Singapore, and during their tenure, they also serve as the President’s Aide-de-Camp and Chairman of the Armed Forces Council. In terms of status, this position is equivalent to China’s Minister of Defense, though it appears to carry more authority. Based on the principle of protocol equivalence, Dong Jun, China’s Minister of Defense, should have met Aaron Beng during his first official visit to Beijing.
However, Aaron Beng was instead received by Liu Zhenli, and Dong Jun was notably absent from all activities. This includes visits to the National Defense University’s International College of Defense Studies and Beijing’s 3rd Guard Division of the Beijing Garrison. Dong Jun’s absence in receiving Singapore’s Chief of Defense Force could be interpreted as a diplomatic slight, especially given that past visits by Singapore’s military leaders were typically met by China’s defense ministers unless there were exceptional circumstances.
For example: April 14, 2015: China’s State Councilor and Minister of Defense, Chang Wanquan, met with Singapore Armed Forces Chief Ng Chee Meng at the Bayi Building.
January 6, 2010: China’s State Councilor and Minister of Defense, Liang Guanglie, met with Singapore Army Chief Neo Kian Hong at the Bayi Building. Neo Kian Hong later assumed the role of Chief of Defense Force in March of the same year and had likely visited senior Chinese military officials in preparation for his new position.
July 4, 2006: China’s Vice Chairman of the CMC, State Councilor, and Minister of Defense Cao Gangchuan met with visiting Singapore Armed Forces Chief Desmond Kuek in Beijing. General Liang Guanglie, then Chief of the General Staff, also held talks with Kuek on the same day.
October 23, 2001: China’s Vice Chairman of the CMC, State Councilor, and Minister of Defense Chi Haotian met with Singapore Armed Forces Chief Lim Chuan Poh in Beijing. Deputy Chief of Staff General Qian Shugen also attended the meeting.
In past instances, it has been customary for China’s Minister of Defense to meet with Singapore’s Chief of Defense Force, making Dong Jun’s “neglect” of this protocol notable. There is undoubtedly a reason for this absence, just as there is likely a reason why the military has not allowed him to appear publicly. This lends credibility to external speculation about his investigation, as it aligns with the pattern of many fallen CCP officials who first “disappear” from important public occasions.
Following the official confirmation of Miao Hua’s investigation, the reason behind Dong Jun’s absence becomes clearer. Dong Jun, a naval officer, rose to his position through Miao Hua’s sponsorship. The current Navy Commander Hu Zhongming and former Navy Deputy Commander Wang Houbin, who was recently promoted to Commander of the Rocket Force, were also recommended by Miao Hua. With Miao Hua under investigation for corruption, those who bribed him for their positions now face the risk of being implicated.
According to former Chinese naval officer Yao Cheng, Dong Jun has undergone routine questioning and provided testimony unfavorable to Miao Hua. While he has not been detained, Dong Jun is reportedly still residing in the Navy’s compound. Yao also revealed that the CCP’s Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) and the Military Discipline Inspection Commission have formed a joint task force to investigate Miao Hua. The focus of their investigation includes personnel tied to Miao Hua, especially those from the Navy and the Eastern Theater Command. Among those who have provided damaging testimony against Miao Hua are two former Navy political commissars, Qin Shengxiang and Yuan Huazhi.
What might the unfavorable testimony against Miao Hua involve? It is highly likely to pertain to bribery and corruption. In 2015, a high-ranking military officer attending the Two Sessions revealed that regional military commanders were paying bribes of 10 to 20 million yuan for promotions. Lower-ranking officers also faced fixed price tags for joining the Party and advancing their careers. Could Dong Jun, Qin Shengxiang, Yuan Huazhi, and others have paid millions to Miao Hua to secure their positions?
Another possibility is that it relates to Miao Hua, a close ally of Xi Jinping, assisting Xi in "countering a coup." Following Xi’s reported stroke during the CCP’s Third Plenum in July, there were frequent unusual activities within the military and at the highest levels of the CCP. Increasing signs and evidence suggest that Xi’s control over both the military and the Party is being lost or significantly weakened.
However, it is evident from the differing narratives in state and military media that there are still factions within the CCP and the military defending Xi’s authority. The two sides are engaged in a power struggle. If Xi’s camp seeks to reclaim the military power it has lost, it will likely take action, but the “anti-coup” efforts seem to have been preemptively thwarted. Moreover, the official announcement of Miao Hua’s investigation and the reports of Dong Jun’s troubles are unlikely to be self-inflicted by Xi’s faction, as that would be akin to cutting off their own support. Instead, it is more likely a warning from an internal CCP faction that has stripped Xi of power.
The investigation of Miao Hua and those associated with him has clearly further weakened Xi’s influence and standing among the military leadership. This reality is not only evident to the military but also being quietly speculated on by senior CCP officials in government and party institutions. As for Dong Jun, regardless of whether he is formally detained, his tenure as defense minister is unlikely to last long. At best, he might avoid prosecution but face demotion.
(Original report from People News)
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