Seven Letters from Soong Ching-ling to the Chinese Communist Party in Her Later Years

In October 1915, Soong Ching-ling married the founding father of the nation, Sun Yat-sen. (Online image)

[People News] In 1915, at the age of 22, Soong Ching-ling married Sun Yat-sen, who was 27 years her senior and nearly 50 years old at the time.

After the October Revolution in Soviet Russia in 1917, the Soviet regime found itself highly isolated on the international stage. To safeguard its survival, it established the Communist International (Comintern) in 1919 to "export revolution" abroad. China became one of the key targets of this revolutionary export. On one hand, the Soviet Communist Party, through the Comintern, orchestrated the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). On the other hand, it sought to establish connections with the Kuomintang (KMT) led by Sun Yat-sen.

In January 1923, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Adolf Joffe met with Sun Yat-sen in Shanghai, leading to the issuance of the Sun-Joffe Manifesto. The publication of this manifesto marked the beginning of Sun Yat-sen’s policy of "allying with the Soviet Union and accommodating the Communists."

Following this, the Soviet Communist Party provided Sun Yat-sen with manpower, resources, financial support, and weaponry, actively promoting the first KMT-CCP cooperation. The ultimate goal was to use the Kuomintang as a shell to foster and strengthen the Soviet-backed CCP in China.

While the Soviet Communist Party was focused on influencing Sun Yat-sen, it also set its sights on his young wife, Soong Ching-ling.

By January 1924, when the Kuomintang held its First National Congress, marking the official beginning of KMT-CCP cooperation, Soong Ching-ling had already been placed on the Soviet and Comintern’s list for ideological indoctrination, psychological warfare, recruitment, and conversion.

On March 12, 1925, Sun Yat-sen passed away in Beijing. From that point on, the Soviet Communist Party, the Comintern, and the CCP continuously worked to influence Soong Ching-ling, gradually leading her to embrace communist ideology.

Struggling for Communism

Song Qingling may have been recruited as a secret party member by the Communist International in the early 1930s.

According to a recollection by senior Chinese Communist Party official Liao Chengzhi, one day in May 1933, Song Qingling visited his mother's home. When it was just the two of them, Song told him, 'I am here on behalf of the highest authority.' Liao Chengzhi looked at her in surprise and asked, 'The highest authority?' Song simply replied with two words: 'International.' She then added, 'Communist International.'

There is also evidence in declassified Soviet documents regarding Song Qingling's membership in the Communist Party. In June 1934, a representative from the Communist International Liaison Bureau sent to the Far East wrote in a memorandum to his superiors: 'Concerning the issue of Song Qingling. She is a good comrade and can remain in the party. However, admitting her into the party is a significant mistake. It was the representative (referring to the Communist International's representative in China) who proposed her acceptance into the party. She is willing to sacrifice everything. She has a deep understanding of secret work.'

After secretly joining the Communist Party, Song Qingling publicly presented herself as the wife of Sun Yat-sen and a member of the left wing of the Kuomintang, while in reality, she was consistently serving the Soviet Communist Party, the Communist International, and the Chinese Communist Party.

Until 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), supported by the Soviet Communist Party, overthrew the Republic of China on the mainland, Song Qingling (Song Ching-ling) genuinely advocated for the cause of communism, much like many others in mainland China who were under the illusion that the Soviet Communist Party, the Communist International, and the CCP were benevolent. She supported the CCP, provided intelligence to the Soviet Communist Party, the Communist International, and the CCP, sent money, medicine, and supplies to the CCP, facilitated the arrival of American journalist Edgar Snow and American doctor George Marshall, and rescued captured Communist International agents and underground CCP members. Her contributions were unique and irreplaceable in the CCP's efforts to overthrow the Republic of China on the mainland.

The Disillusionment with Communism

On December 25, 1948, just before the CCP seized power, a list of 43 "first-class war criminals" was released under the name of "authoritative figures from Shaanxi." This list included nearly all of Song Qingling's relatives, such as her brother Song Ziwen (T. V. Soong), sister Song Meiling (Madame Chiang Kai-shek), brother-in-law Kong Xiangxi, brother-in-law Chiang Kai-shek, and her stepson (Sun Yat-sen's son) Sun Ke.

After the CCP overthrew the Republic of China founded by Sun Yat-sen in 1949, they sought to leverage the title of "Madame Sun Yat-sen" by persuading Song Qingling to come to Beijing to "discuss the great cause of nation-building." They offered her numerous honorary titles, including Vice Chairperson of the Central People's Government, Honorary Chairperson of the All-China Democratic Women's Federation, Vice Chairperson of the National People's Congress, Vice Chairperson of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and Vice President of the State.

However, once in power, the CCP did not fulfill their earlier promise of "establishing a new China of freedom and democracy." Instead, they initiated numerous bloody and brutal political movements. Song Qingling increasingly found it difficult to comprehend the CCP's actions.

For instance, in November 1955, Song Qingling (Song Qingling) wrote to Mao Zedong (Mao Zedong): "I find it hard to understand the proposal to transform industry and commerce. The Communist Party had promised the business community long-term coexistence and protection of the interests of industrialists and businessmen. Isn't this a case of breaking that promise? Capitalists have begun to doubt and fear the Communist Party's policies, and many are expressing regret and complaints."

Mao responded: "Vice Chairwoman Song has concerns and wishes to speak on behalf of the capitalists."

In 1957, the Anti-Rightist Movement was initiated, labeling 550,000 intellectuals, members of democratic parties, and non-party individuals who had actively responded to the Communist Party's call to 'assist the Party in its rectification' as rightists.

That same year, Song Qingling wrote another letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party: "The Party Central Committee called for a great outpouring of opinions, so why has this been retracted? The Communist Party is not afraid of the Kuomintang's eight million troops or American imperialism. Why then should it fear the people overthrowing the Party's leadership and the people's government? The Communist Party should be willing to accept criticism from all sectors. Most critics are patriotic and supportive of the Party. Some members of the democratic parties have made personal and familial sacrifices for the liberation of New China. How could young intellectuals in their twenties and thirties suddenly become anti-Party and anti-socialist overnight? I do not understand this movement. I have pondered it for over two months and still cannot grasp how so many principled individuals, both within and outside the Party, could oppose the Communist Party and the people's government. Do they truly wish to overthrow the Communist Party?"

Beginning in 1958, Song Qingling had been declining to attend meetings of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress due to illness. The Central Committee sent Liu Shaoqi (Liu Shaoqi), Zhou Enlai (Zhou Enlai), and Dong Biwu (Dong Biwu) to persuade her, and ultimately, Song had no choice but to muster the courage to continue attending.

In April 1959, Song Qingling was elected as Vice President at the first session of the Second National People's Congress. She declined the position twice, stating, 'I am outdated, my thoughts cannot keep up, and I am merely a figurehead, which is not beneficial to the country.' She suggested that either Li Fuchun or Ulanfu should take the role instead.

Song Qingling's appointment as Vice President was proposed by Liu Shaoqi, Dong Biwu, Lin Boqu, and others. During the discussion in the Politburo of the Communist Party of China, 18 out of 21 members supported her appointment, while 3 opposed it, namely Mao Zedong, Lin Biao, and Kang Sheng.

Mao Zedong remarked at the time, 'Song Qingling was our comrade during the democratic revolution, but she could not align with us during the socialist revolution. She has never supported our policies and has opposed our direction. We belong to different classes.'

Following the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, the Communist Party of China called for the destruction of the 'Four Olds,' which referred to the 'old ideas, old culture, old customs, and old habits' that had persisted for thousands of years. One of the methods employed to 'destroy the Four Olds' was to dig up ancestral graves.

Mao Zedong's Red Guards not only vandalized the graves of Song Qingling's parents at the Shanghai International Cemetery but also exhumed the remains to 'expose the corpses.' This inflicted significant emotional distress on Song Qingling.

During the Cultural Revolution, Sun Yat-sen was falsely labeled by the Communist Party as the 'ancestor who took the capitalist road,' leading to the removal of his bronze statue from Xinjiekou Square in Nanjing.

Many individuals from the China Welfare Institute, which Song Qingling had worked tirelessly to establish, expressed their desire to sever ties with her, leaving her feeling deeply hurt.

In a letter to her friend Chen Hansheng, she stated: "I have donated all my possessions, including my mother's house, to the China Welfare Institute, and the only reward I have received is the bad reputation of being 'bourgeois'!"

According to He Fang, the former deputy director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Office, during the Cultural Revolution, Song Qingling wrote seven letters to Mao Zedong and the Central Committee of the Communist Party, expressing her confusion and aversion to the 'Cultural Revolution', as well as her profound disappointment with the Communist Party.

In August 1967, November 1969, and June 1976, Song Qingling experienced feelings of despair on three occasions, expressing in her letters and conversations with visiting leaders a deep sense of regret and indescribable anguish regarding the path she had chosen.

In one of her letters, Song Qingling wrote: "I do not understand culture; claiming that novels are purely political and nothing but poisonous weeds confuses me. Overnight, some of my colleagues who worked alongside me have transformed into capitalist roaders, anti-party factions, ambitious individuals, and monsters. The Central Committee wants me to learn to criticize and expose Liu Shaoqi; I cannot do that. Chairman Liu Shaoqi has served in the Party Central Committee for thirty or forty years, and now he is labeled a traitor and a spy! I cannot believe that a traitor and spy could have been the state chairman for seven years. Is the constitution still valid? How can people be arbitrarily arrested, fought against, and driven to death? The Party Central Committee must come forward and address this. This lawless situation, where one harms their own comrades and the people, is a crime. Our outstanding cadres have emerged from battles against the Kuomintang, yet they perish within their own ranks. What is the reason for this?"

In March 1970, Mao Zedong told Zhou Enlai, "If she does not wish to witness the changes of today, she can go to the other side of the strait, to Hong Kong, or abroad; I will not hold her back." He instructed Zhou Enlai and Li Xiannian to relay his message to Song.

When Zhou and Li conveyed Mao's message, they said, "The Chairman is very concerned about you and understands that you are not feeling well. He suggests you take some time to relax and rest." Song responded, "Do you think I am still unwanted? I intend to spend the last few steps of my life on this land."

Subsequently, Song Qingling declined to attend several festive events and receptions due to illness, stating, "I feel sentimental if I participate, so I prefer not to attend. If I go once, I will have to go to the hospital afterward. Additionally, I do not wish to be a mere political ornament."

According to Shang Mingxuan, the author of "Chronicle of Song Qingling," during the Cultural Revolution, Song Qingling sent her staff away at least twice and personally burned a significant number of letters and documents. In her later years, she often remarked, "My handbag, shoes, and clothes are all gone. The Cultural Revolution forced me to burn everything; I sent them all into the furnace..."

Song Qingling maintained extensive correspondence with her most trusted assistant, Jin Zhonghua, who later became the Vice Mayor of Shanghai. Shortly after the Chinese New Year in 1968, rebels from the Shanghai Institute of International Studies invaded Jin Zhonghua's home, confiscating not only his works, manuscripts, and materials but also 80 letters exchanged between him and Song Qingling.

In a report titled 'Regarding the Issue of Jin Zhonghua' sent to the Central Cultural Revolution Group, the Shanghai Municipal Revolutionary Committee noted: 'Eighty pieces of correspondence between Jin and Song were seized from Jin's residence (from 1945 to 1967).' 'The vast majority of these letters are from Song to Jin, along with drafts of letters written by Jin to Song, nearly all of which are in English.' 

In the early hours of April 3, 1968, Jin Zhonghua took his own life by hanging in his home. One of the key reasons for Jin's suicide was likely the fact that the rebels had confiscated the 80 letters exchanged with Song Qingling. In her letters to Jin Zhonghua, Song Qingling had advised him to 'burn them after reading.' However, Jin found these letters too valuable to destroy, which ultimately led to his tragic fate. Within these letters, Song Qingling likely conveyed some unspoken criticisms regarding the Chinese Communist Party. 

The atmosphere of red terror during the Cultural Revolution left Song Qingling in a constant state of fear and anxiety, causing her to maintain the lifestyle habits she had adopted while working underground prior to 1949. 

On February 18, 1975, Song Qingling drafted a will stating: 'In the event of my untimely death, I have decided to bequeath all my books from my residence in Beijing and my residence at 1843 Huaihai Road in Shanghai to Ernst Deng (Deng Guangyin), in appreciation of all his kindness towards me.' The will was signed by Song Qingling in Beijing. 

For the Chinese Communist Party, Song Qingling was simply a tool to be utilized, and they continued to exploit her until her death.

In May 1981, Song Qingling was admitted to the hospital due to chronic lymphocytic leukemia and coronary heart disease. As she approached the end of her life, Chinese Communist Party leaders Hu Yaobang and Li Xiannian visited her to convey that the Politburo had decided to accept her as a formal party member. After hearing this, Song smiled and remarked, 'It's not being forced, is it? It's been 31 years, my heart has grown cold, and my journey in life is nearing its end.' 

At 20:18 on May 29, 1981, Song Qingling passed away at her residence in Beijing.

Conclusion

After Soong Ching-ling's passing, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) officially honored her with the title of a "Great Communist Warrior."

However, her younger sister, Soong Mei-ling, had a very different assessment of her: "My second sister was naturally strong-willed, yet she was always confused when facing major events in life. In the end, she neither remained loyal to the nation nor showed benevolence to the people. She failed to fulfill her filial duties to our parents, remained unfaithful to her husband, lacked righteousness toward relatives and friends, did not uphold justice, showed no reverence to heaven and earth, failed to admonish a tyrant, and did not soothe the suffering of the people. How tragic! … Ultimately, she was abandoned by both friends and family, left in loneliness and despair. She dishonored our parents and ancestors and failed the many suffering citizens."

During the decade-long Cultural Revolution, Soong Ching-ling came to recognize the disastrous impact of communism on China, its people, and the Chinese nation. Yet in the end, she was unable to break free from the "specter of communism." Just before her death, she was officially admitted into the CCP, becoming a tragic sacrificial figure for communism—a fate both lamentable and sorrowful! 

(Dajiyuan)