The "Hidden Word Stone" (also known as the "Stone of the CCP's Demise") discovered in Zhangbu Township, Pingtang County, Guizhou Province, along with an old version of the ticket for the tourist site, shows the character for "亡" (demise) clearly visible. (Minghui.org)
[People News] On December 16th, the CCP’s state media Xinhua reported that a symposium to commemorate the 100th anniversary of Qiao Shi's birth was held on the morning of the 16th at the Great Hall of the People. Xi Jinping delivered an important speech. The meeting was chaired by Zhao Leji, and Politburo Standing Committee members Cai Qi and Li Xi attended.
In his speech at the symposium, Xi Jinping praised Qiao Shi in high terms, stating that Qiao Shi's life was "a revolutionary life, a life of struggle, and a glorious life," and "his achievements are worth remembering, and his revolutionary spirit and noble character are worthy of our learning."
Xi then delivered six consecutive paragraphs, each using parallel sentence structures, stating that "commemorating Comrade Qiao Shi is to learn from his noble character, precious spirit, working style, outstanding contributions," and so on. The speech was full of praise and highly complimentary. Zhao Leji, while presiding over the symposium, emphasized that Xi Jinping’s important speech sets clear requirements for learning from Qiao Shi.
It is well known that Qiao Shi passed away in 2015. During his lifetime, he was one of the reformist elders within the CCP, highly respected within the Party and held in high esteem. He was also a nemesis and bitter rival of former CCP leader Jiang Zemin and had repeatedly supported Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, and Xi Jinping in striking against Jiang Zemin’s faction.
Qiao Shi had an extensive career within the Party. In 1983, he served as Director of the General Office of the CCP Central Committee and Minister of the Organization Department, becoming a key ally of Hu Yaobang. In 1985, he entered the Politburo and the Central Secretariat, serving as Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission. In 1986, he also assumed the role of Vice Premier. After the 13th National Congress in 1987, he became a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, Secretary of the Central Secretariat, and Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection while retaining his position as head of the Central Political and Legal Affairs Commission. In 1993, Qiao Shi transitioned to the National People's Congress, serving as its Chairman, where he oversaw political and legal matters. He retired in 1998 upon completing his term.
Qiao Shi also enjoyed Deng Xiaoping’s trust. In 1992, during Deng Xiaoping’s Southern Tour speech, he warned Jiang Zemin, who was resisting reform, that “whoever does not reform will be removed.” It was rumored that Deng was very dissatisfied with Jiang and even considered replacing him with Qiao Shi, which gave rise to the phrase “the truth will out.” Qiao Shi’s qualifications, capabilities, and prestige far exceeded those of Jiang Zemin, which made Jiang jealous. At the 15th Party Congress, Jiang Zemin forced Qiao Shi into retirement by leveraging the issue of his age. Before stepping down, Qiao Shi publicly revealed within the Party that Hu Jintao was confirmed as the core of the fourth generation of leadership by Deng Xiaoping, the Politburo Standing Committee, and its members. This move shattered Jiang Zemin’s ambition to depose Hu Jintao. After forcing Qiao Shi to retire at the 15th Party Congress, Jiang Zemin also ousted Li Ruihuan at the 16th Party Congress and filled the Politburo Standing Committee with his own allies, sidelining Hu Jintao.
Qiao Shi had close ties with both Xi Jinping and his father, Xi Zhongxun, and he was a political ally of Xi Jinping. Qiao Shi supported Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping in taking down Jiang Zemin’s faction members Bo Xilai and Zhou Yongkang, which became key events in the Hu-Jiang and Xi-Jiang struggles. After Qiao Shi passed away, Xi Jinping’s administration gave him a high-level tribute.
At the 18th Party Congress, Hu Jintao fully retired and strongly supported Xi Jinping in assuming power. However, to Hu Jintao’s great surprise—and Qiao Shi would have been equally shocked if he were alive—Xi Jinping, in his quest for lifelong leadership, compromised with the Jiang-Zeng faction. To preserve the Party, Xi Jinping has unhesitatingly returned to Mao Zedong’s path, resulting in a major political regression. At the 20th Party Congress, he publicly removed Hu Jintao from the proceedings, wiped out the Tuanpai (Youth League faction), pursued “wolf warrior” diplomacy, and suppressed private enterprises, which led to severe economic decline.
Following the Third Plenary Session, numerous subtle signs have emerged suggesting that Xi Jinping’s power within the Party has been weakened. Recently, PLA Daily and the Ministry of Defense website publicly published articles prominently advocating the implementation of the “system of division of responsibilities among commanders,” promoting intra-Party democracy and collective leadership. This is an obvious criticism of Xi Jinping’s “CMC Chairman Responsibility System” and his centralized authority.
At this year’s National Day reception, Xi Jinping was seen seated alongside former CCP elders Wen Jiabao and Li Ruihuan, prompting speculation that Xi was signaling goodwill and softening his stance toward retired political leaders. Coupled with a major shift in the CCP’s economic policies, unusual incidents involving Xi’s close allies in the military leadership, and frequent troubles for his trusted confidants, Xi Jinping’s situation appears precarious. These developments have fueled new speculations about power struggles within Zhongnanhai, with many wondering whether Xi Jinping has already lost significant authority.
Recently, Hu Chunhua, the “princeling” sidelined by Xi Jinping, attended the “2024 International Forum for From-To Dialogue” in Spain. In the past, this event was attended by officials at the vice-national level, and Hu Chunhua’s re-emergence seems to confirm that changes are underway in Zhongnanhai’s power structure—changes that remain hidden from the public eye. At the same time, rumors have surfaced suggesting that Wang Huning may temporarily assume the position of CCP General Secretary at the Fourth Plenary Session, while Chen Jining, the Shanghai Party Secretary, could be the next successor to Zhongnanhai’s leadership. In summary, speculations and rumors about the CCP’s supreme power structure have been varied and widespread, but the general consensus is clear: the loss of power for Xi Jinping appears to be a foregone conclusion.
Xi Jinping's High-Profile Commemoration of Qiao Shi on His 100th Birth Anniversary: The Underlying Motives May Not Be Simple. Is Xi Jinping, whose power appears to be diminishing, attempting to extend an olive branch to political elders and reformists within the Party to ease political pressure and make tactical compromises to gain maneuvering room in the ongoing power struggle? Recently, the CCP publication Qiushi published Xi Jinping’s article titled "Deepening the Party's Self-Revolution," in which the term “self-revolution” is mentioned at least 30 times. This seems to signal the start of a new round of bloody internal power struggles. These simultaneous gestures of softening and hardening suggest that the climax of Zhongnanhai’s internal conflicts is far from over.
It is worth noting that during his lifetime, Qiao Shi strongly disapproved of Jiang Zemin’s persecution of Falun Gong. In the second half of 1998, Qiao Shi, together with several retired senior officials from the National People’s Congress, conducted an investigation into Falun Gong. At the end of that year, they submitted a report to Jiang Zemin and the CCP Politburo, concluding that “Falun Gong brings countless benefits to the country and its people without causing any harm.” When Jiang Zemin saw the report, he flew into a rage, which further deepened his resentment toward Qiao Shi.
After Qiao Shi’s death, sources from Beijing revealed that one of Qiao Shi’s greatest regrets was not seeing the Falun Gong issue resolved in his lifetime and not witnessing Jiang Zemin being brought to justice. Qiao Shi deeply despised Jiang Zemin and believed that Jiang must face trial.
The persecution of Falun Gong by the CCP has now lasted 25 years. Recently, the Chinese ruling regime has launched a transnational crackdown on the U.S.-based Shen Yun Performing Arts and Falun Gong, manipulating legal and media warfare in an attempt to eradicate Falun Gong. Why would Xi Jinping’s administration foolishly inherit Jiang Zemin’s heinous political legacy? According to exiled scholar Yuan Hongbing, the new wave of overseas persecution of Falun Gong was personally planned and directed by Xi Jinping himself.
Millions of Falun Gong practitioners have endured brutal persecution, including forced labor, imprisonment in brainwashing centers, “legal training centers,” and psychiatric hospitals. The CCP has used its 610 Office, Article 300 of the Criminal Law, and fabricated charges of “undermining the implementation of the law.” The regime orchestrated the Tiananmen self-immolation hoax, manufactured “1,400 death cases,” and committed crimes such as forced organ harvesting, coercive “transformation,” door-to-door harassment, economic persecution by dismissing practitioners from their jobs and withholding pensions, and employing torture and a variety of inhumane punishments. All of these acts have been carried out under the guise of legality, while in truth, they are criminal and demonic behaviors devoid of humanity and morality.
By criminalizing faith and weaponizing the law, the CCP has set an unprecedented historical precedent of evil in the annals of both ancient and modern legal systems. It has disgraced modern state governance and civilization. For 25 years, Falun Gong practitioners have peacefully exposed the truth, encouraged “three withdrawals” (leaving the CCP, Youth League, and Young Pioneers), and revealed the persecution to the world. As a result, the international community now widely recognizes Falun Gong as a kind-hearted spiritual group that upholds the principles of “Truthfulness, Compassion, and Forbearance,” while the CCP is viewed as a human rights villain. The CCP has poured enormous financial resources into persecuting Falun Gong, at one point consuming up to a quarter of its annual budget. Yet this persecution campaign has been a complete failure. The legal regression, moral collapse, economic decline, rampant pandemics, and national decline brought about by this unprecedented persecution are now shaking the CCP’s rule to its core and backfiring on its regime. It also validates the ancient principle that persecuting righteous beliefs inevitably invites divine retribution.
One of Qiao Shi’s unfulfilled wishes was to see the Falun Gong issue resolved fairly and justly, and to restore Falun Gong’s reputation. Now that Xi Jinping has publicly commemorated Qiao Shi, shouldn’t his administration also confront the Falun Gong issue, immediately stop the persecution, and deliver justice to Falun Gong practitioners?
(Published exclusively by People News)
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