Success! Nepal Overthrows the Communists – Chinese Netizens Ecstatic, Urging “Copy Their Homework”

On August 25, 2025, at Jindi Plaza in Wuhan, Hubei Province, city management officials violently assaulted a pregnant woman, causing her to miscarry, and injured several others. Following this, local police joined in confronting the outraged crowd. (Video Screenshot)

[People News] In recent days, Nepal has erupted in nationwide mass demonstrations. A Generation Z uprising and revolution forced pro-Communist Prime Minister Oli and President Bhandari to resign on September 9. With Nepal’s Communist Party facing collapse, Zhongnanhai was sleepless, while the global internet celebrated. Despite Beijing’s heavy censorship, Chinese netizens were ecstatic, with some overseas users urging people inside China to “quickly copy the homework.”

This was explosive! Barely a week had passed since the grand September 3 military parade in Beijing, where the CCP flaunted its power, when its “little brother” Nepal suddenly changed course. Prime Minister Oli had attended the SCO summit in Tianjin on August 30 and then rushed to Beijing’s September 3 parade, walking on the CCP’s red carpet—only to step right into a domestic revolutionary minefield upon his return. Clearly, the CCP is a disaster star. September 9 also happened to be the 49th death anniversary of the demon Mao Zedong, giving Maoism in Nepal a sinister boost—no wonder calamities followed.

The spark was lit on September 4, when Nepal’s authorities blocked Facebook, X, and YouTube, claiming these companies had not completed “registration procedures” and did not accept government supervision. Sound familiar? What does “not completing registration” or “not accepting supervision” mean? It was the Nepali Communist government demanding that foreign social media companies register local entities and appoint responsible personnel. Western tech giants refused, citing interference in free speech. A standoff ensued.

This standoff had been simmering for some time—so why issue the ban on September 4? Did Nepal’s leaders get their brains knocked out of alignment by the goose-stepping boots of Beijing’s parade? Or did Xi Jinping’s handler Cai give Prime Minister Oli a tutorial in internet censorship? Whatever the case, something was off. Oli never imagined that the ban would act like a torch tossed into dry firewood, instantly igniting the fury of Nepal’s Gen Z.

A quick look at social media in Nepal: penetration is extremely high. Mobile phone ownership is nearly 80%, and over half the country is internet users. Among them, YouTube’s penetration rate is 94%, Facebook’s 92%, and TikTok (international version) 55%. These overlap heavily with Nepal’s Gen Z. Social media naturally captivates young people.

Meanwhile, Nepal’s economy is transitioning from agriculture to services and industry. Tourism, small-scale manufacturing, trade, and some industry are its pillars. Though growing slightly, unemployment is high—around 11% overall, and about 20% for youth, similar to China. High youth unemployment means instability. Many young people turn to “flexible work,” relying on content creation, video posting, and monetisation. Even major Nepali TV stations depend on YouTube for survival, with about 20% of their revenue from YouTube channels, which draw over 11 million daily active users.

So when the Communist government swung this social media ban, it was like smashing the rice bowl of Nepal’s youth and cutting off the lifeline of major media outlets. No wonder ordinary people rose up in revolt.

Nepal may be a small country, but its geopolitics are complex and multi-sided. Economically, it relies on India and U.S. aid. Militarily, its equipment is almost entirely supplied by India and the U.S.—something intolerable to Beijing. Through the Belt and Road Initiative and the SCO, the CCP tried to trap Nepal. The “social media registration order” pushed by Oli was clearly backed by Beijing, aiming to block Western values from reaching the Nepali people, and to build a de facto “Great Firewall” under Communist control.

But it backfired. Police used water cannons, tear gas, and even live fire, killing 22 and injuring hundreds. Brutality sparked resistance. Protesters burned down Oli’s residence, forced cabinet ministers to flee by helicopter, and drove multiple lawmakers to resign. The military and police remained largely neutral, while citizens stormed armouries, seized weapons, and set government buildings, parliament, party headquarters (including both the Communist Party and Nepali Congress), Kathmandu’s largest newspaper office, and even tore down the hammer-and-sickle blood flag from a flagpole.

On September 8, the authorities withdrew the ban—but it was too late. The furious people rejected it, responding with force. Officials fled in panic, some beaten and paraded by the crowd. The foreign minister and finance minister were chased and attacked; the finance minister was even driven into a river. Communist officials became like rats in the street—everyone wanted to hit them.

Nepal’s uprising shook the global internet and terrified Beijing. China’s Foreign Ministry feigned calm but avoided mentioning the true cause. Inside China, reports only vaguely referred to “riots in Nepal.” Yet the political conditions behind Nepal’s revolt mirror the crisis facing the CCP.

In the past 20–30 years, the Nepali people have awakened. The country has only 30 million people, but in the last 20 years, about 10 million have lived or worked abroad, with millions more in India and Southeast Asia. Combined with social media, this gave Nepalese people broad knowledge of the free world. They have grown deeply resentful of the Communist Party. Poverty has not limited their imagination—if anything, instability has fueled discontent. Nepal’s Gen Z is especially fed up with corruption, privilege, and nepotism. The divide between the Communist elite and ordinary people has become the root cause of anti-Communist sentiment. On Nepali social media, terms like Nepokid and Nepobaby are popular, echoing China’s fuerdai (second-generation rich) and guanerdai (second-generation officials).

The fact that Nepal’s youth toppled the regime in just three days has left Zhongnanhai sleepless. Beijing’s censors have erased news of the uprising, but on platforms like Douyin (TikTok China), netizens still managed to comment using coded language.

Chinese netizens posted: “Argentina, Indonesia, now Nepal is taking off too.” “That’s the end for governments that don’t serve their people.” “Truly heartening.” “The army was pretty neutral—truly the people’s army.” Countering the state media’s “Nepal riots” narrative, others wrote: “It looks chaotic, but it’s not—they’re only targeting top officials.” “It looks messy, but in fact they’re united.”

Many praised the Nepali people directly: “The people of Nepal have courage. Dare to rise up and you will win.” “Victory belongs to the people—it’s their choice.” When some CCP “50-cent trolls” tried to muddy the waters by saying burning women wasn’t virtuous, they were quickly shot down by other users: “That was a demon woman who was burned.” “Good people don’t get burned.”

Overseas users on X wrote: “The CCP isn’t as powerful as you think. The Nepali people wrote the standard answer—Chinese people, come copy the homework!”

(First published by People News)