Major reshuffling in China’s top aerospace, shipbuilding, and defence enterprises reflects intensifying factional strife within both the Chinese military-industrial system and the CCP at large. (Pictured: Chinese aircraft carrier Liaoning. Anthony Wallace/AFP)
[People News] Recently, multiple central state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China’s defence sector have undergone sweeping leadership changes, with many former executives either unaccounted for or under investigation. Analysts believe the removal of military-industrial technocrats promoted by Xi Jinping signals a decline in Xi’s authority. Meanwhile, anti-Xi forces are exploiting the anti-corruption campaign to conduct personnel purges ahead of the long-delayed Fourth Plenum.
Since early 2024, alongside the purge of top military officials, 11 central military-industrial SOEs have seen leadership shakeups. Of those, eight replaced their board chairs (also party secretaries), and all 11 installed new general managers (or presidents).
Just since April 2025, four major defence SOEs saw leadership changes:
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China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASC): General Manager changed to Zhou Jie. His predecessor, 54-year-old Zhang Zhongyang, is missing. Zhou previously served as deputy director of the China Academy of Engineering Physics.
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China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation (CASIC): General Manager replaced with Chen Shaoyang. His predecessor, 59-year-old Gong Bo, also vanished from public view; his last appearance was in January. Chen formerly served as deputy general manager at the Aero Engine Corporation of China.
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China Electronics Technology Group Corporation (CETC): Former General Manager Li Ligong was promoted to Chairman, leaving the general manager post vacant.
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Aero Engine Corporation of China (AECC): The official website was updated in April, showing that Chairman Cao Jianguo had stepped down. His successor has not been named, leaving the post vacant. Cao, an academician of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, disappeared after September 2024 and is rumoured to be under investigation for corruption.
Additionally, the general manager role at AECC was filled in February by Zhang Yujin, who previously served as general manager of China South Industries Group. That position, too, saw two changes within one year. Zhang’s predecessor, Chen Guoying, is also missing.
Anti-Xi Factions Fighting for Control Before the Fourth Plenum
Shen Mingshi, a researcher at Taiwan’s Institute for National Defence and Security Research, told The Epoch Times that extensive personnel changes are expected before the Fourth Plenum, and who rises or falls will depend on factional alignments.
He noted that Xi Jinping has long emphasised the defence industry and handpicked many top executives. However, serious corruption in the sector has led to several top-level downfalls.
For instance, in January 2025, Yang Wei (chief designer of the J-20 stealth fighter) and Hao Zhaoping (general manager of Aviation Industry Corporation of China) were both dismissed, with their whereabouts unknown. Previously, in January 2021, Hu Wenming, general director for China’s first domestically built aircraft carrier, was removed for corruption. Former Defence Ministers Li Shangfu and Wei Fenghe have also been linked to corruption in the PLA’s General Armaments Department.
“These corruption investigations continue to uncover more people,” Shen said. “Since these leaders were appointed by Xi, and his power is weakening, others are trying to remove them and install their own people. It’s a factional and personnel struggle within the military-industrial system, likely one of the main drivers behind these recent reshuffles.”
China affairs expert Wang He told DAjiyuan that the military-industrial complex rose rapidly under Xi’s rule but is riddled with corruption.
“These people were arrogant and rose too quickly, attracting resentment from other factions,” Wang said. “Now that many of them are falling, it’s a sign of intensified internal strife within the CCP.”
He added that the collapse of the military-industrial system is both a cause and a consequence of Xi’s waning authority.
“There are numerous problems in China’s defence industry. The corruption is severe, and these institutions are effectively dysfunctional. This gives anti-Xi forces an excuse. The sweeping purge of the military-industrial system will deal a serious blow to Xi’s authority, since these were all his appointees.”
Shen also said: “Now that Xi is losing power, his protégés can be replaced as long as there’s a pretext—such as corruption. In general, this appears to be a personnel purge ahead of the Fourth Plenum and the 21st Party Congress.”
The "Disappearing Officials" Pattern May Backfire on Xi
In recent years, many top officials in the military-industrial and anti-corruption campaigns have mysteriously disappeared, such as former CASIC Chairman Yuan Jie and former China State Shipbuilding Corporation Chairman Wen Gang.
Yuan, Wen, and former CASC General Manager Zhang Zhongyang were all alternate members of the CCP’s 20th Central Committee. The regime has given no explanation for their dismissals or the whereabouts.
Zhang was reportedly a protégé of former Hunan Party Secretary Xu Dazhe, who previously chaired both CASC and CASIC. Xu, now a member of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee, has also missed numerous key meetings over the past year and is believed to be missing.
Shen explained that in the past, the CCP would first collect evidence before launching an internal investigation. But recently, more cases are being handled entirely in secret.
He cited former Foreign Minister Qin Gang, who vanished abruptly: “To this day, no one knows what he did wrong. After a long delay, they finally announced a charge—but whether he’s jailed, dead, or alive, no one knows.”
Shen said Xi’s purges increasingly lack solid evidence: “When they can’t get proof, they pull the person from their post and isolate them in a hotel for questioning.”
Wang noted that the defense industry and military are among the most secretive sectors. In recent years, promotions and removals of PLA officers have been heavily censored.
He said the CCP fears that disclosing these personnel shifts would cause internal upheaval: “Especially for those who fall, the implications run deep. That’s why they handle everything in secret—if it were all public, the entire defense industry would be shaken.”
Shen added that many of those purged refuse to admit guilt, leaving cases unresolved. Some may even commit suicide under pressure, but the regime can’t publicly admit to suicides either.
“These internal-handling cases are increasing,” Shen said, “because the regime’s accusations don’t hold up to scrutiny. They’re politically motivated—about consolidating power.”
He warned that this will eventually backfire on Xi: “More internal purges increase the risk of wrongful persecution, which breeds resentment. That backlash could pressure Xi, or unify rival factions to force him out.”
Can the Chinese Military Invade Taiwan?
At the CCP’s 20th Party Congress in 2022, Xi aggressively promoted technocrats from the military-industrial sector. Reportedly, 81 members of the Central Committee had backgrounds in aerospace, AI, or nuclear engineering—nearly 40%.
Wang explained Xi elevated this sector because he wants to use military force to seize Taiwan by 2027.
“He’s ordered the PLA to be ready to fight and win a war, so the military-industrial sector has to deliver.”
But Wang said corruption is rampant in both the military and defense industry—and the regime won’t let the public know. “The real state of the defence industry is appalling. If it were exposed, it would destroy morale.”
He concluded: “This military is in no shape to invade Taiwan. How can such a corrupt force win a war? That’s why the regime handles everything internally and in secret.”
“The CCP knows the defence industry is rotten to the core—completely beyond saving.”
Editor: Gao Jing
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