Rereading Li Zhisui: Reassessing Mao Zedong and Xi Jinping

Xi Jinping visits the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall to pay his respects.(online image)

People News– Thirty years ago, in 1994, Mao Zedong’s former doctor, Li Zhisui, published The Private Life of Chairman Mao in the United States. This book revealed hidden, unknown aspects of Mao Zedong, sparking global attention at the time. Back then, a widespread consensus in China and around the world was that it seemed unlikely that China and the Chinese Communist Party would see another dictator like Mao Zedong. However, less than 20 years later, China’s current party leader, Xi Jinping, is displaying a posture that is not only reminiscent of Mao but perhaps even surpasses him. Thus, The Private Life of Chairman Mao now holds a significance that readers couldn’t have foreseen when it was first published—offering important and intriguing insights for understanding Xi Jinping, who has declared his intent to emulate Mao Zedong.

Initial Impressions of The Private Life of Chairman Mao

In 1994, American publishing house Random House released Dr. Li Zhisui’s memoir The Private Life of Chairman Mao, documenting his over 20 years working with Mao Zedong. The Chinese title of the book is Memoirs of Mao Zedong's Private Doctor. Scholar Hu Ping, then editor of the political magazine Beijing Spring, had long studied philosophy and Chinese politics and was well-versed in political literature on China. Hu Ping recalled his initial impression upon first reading The Private Life of Chairman Mao:

"My first impression was that this book is unique. It provides us with a unique perspective, allowing us to see a Mao Zedong that others could not see. This enriched and deepened our understanding of Mao Zedong, confirming some of our prior knowledge. For example, Li Zhisui wrote in his memoir that, in hindsight, if the democratic individuals’ opinions had not involved Mao, the Cultural Revolution would have started 10 years earlier in 1957, rather than in 1966."

"This view aligns with mine. I had also believed that when Mao Zedong launched the rectification movement in 1957, calling for people to offer opinions to the (Chinese Communist) Party, he wasn’t initially planning to 'fish with a long line,' luring out hidden dissidents. Instead, he misjudged the situation. He called on people to give their opinions to the Party, expecting that they would respond to the Great Leader’s call, criticize local officials, and uphold Mao Zedong’s absolute authority, much like what happened during the Cultural Revolution."

"Unexpectedly, when the rectification began, a flood of criticism emerged, not only targeting officials at all levels but also including criticisms of him, the ‘Old Monk’ himself. This he could not tolerate. He turned against them and launched an anti-Rightist movement, turning rectification into an anti-Rightist campaign. Here, Dr. Li Zhisui’s book provides us with critical facts that others couldn’t know. As a doctor, he noted that in mid-May 1957, when Mao had just transformed the rectification into an anti-Rightist campaign, Mao’s mood was very poor; he lay in bed all day, depressed, and even caught a cold, calling Dr. Li back. Mao’s sleep became even more irregular."

"Li’s unique perspective, observing Mao’s physical and emotional state, reveals a real aspect of Mao’s reaction to the anti-Rightist movement. This is a unique value of this book."

Regarding Xi Jinping’s statements and efforts to emulate Mao Zedong, Perry Link, professor of Chinese literature and language at the University of California, Riverside, offers his view:

"Xi Jinping indeed wants to be a Mao Zedong. He has limited resources in terms of knowledge, with low educational and cultural levels and no experience traveling abroad. So, when he came to power, he felt he needed to do something, and he became anxious. His only resource was to return to Mao Zedong. I think he consciously sought to imitate him."

"Of course, he imitates in many superficial ways, even to the point of echoing Mao's slogans. I recall that in about 1967, Lin Biao urged the Chinese people to read Chairman Mao's works, listen to Chairman Mao’s words, and follow Chairman Mao’s instructions nationwide. Then, about two or three years ago, I noticed that Xi Jinping used the exact same phrasing, only replacing 'Chairman Mao' with 'Chairman Xi.'"

So at this level, he certainly can imitate Mao Zedong. But to more deeply recreate the atmosphere of Mao's era, that society—that is a completely different issue, and I think it's quite different. Of course, one similarity is that many ordinary people have an excessive, extreme passion for communism or nationalism, and that mindset among young people is similar. But on a deeper level, I think it’s quite different because the internet has emerged. While the Communist Party controls the internet, Chinese society, with the internet, is now very different from the society of Mao’s time. In Mao’s era, people were isolated and could only think for themselves. They didn’t know that others shared similar thoughts; even if they had such thoughts, they didn’t know about it, creating a sense of isolation. Now, with the internet, there are many collective ideas, including a certain grassroots, spontaneous consciousness. The people now are quite different from those of Chairman Mao’s time."

"So, does Xi Jinping want to be a little Mao Zedong? I think it’s very difficult. First, the society is so different. Second, he himself is not as shrewd as Mao. The two men are equally cunning, but Mao was far more capable. Mao Zedong was a very unique person. Aside from his ability to scheme, Xi Jinping lacks Mao's intellect."

Court Politics in the Mao and Xi Eras

Andrew Nathan, a professor of political science at Columbia University, has long studied modern Chinese politics and was involved in the publication of Dr. Li Zhisui’s book from beginning to end.

In the foreword to The Private Life of Chairman Mao, Professor Nathan wrote that this book is virtually unique in world history, as there is seldom a detailed account of the daily life and behavior of a tyrant written by a long-term close associate. Usually, such a dictator’s daily life and actions remain a closely guarded secret.

Nathan wrote in the foreword: "A pathological mindset spread through the atmosphere of Mao Zedong’s court politics. The more complete Mao’s control, the more he feared others would try to control him. Those around him exhausted every effort to please him, which only made him more suspicious of them." In Nathan’s view, the court politics of Xi Jinping today is even more intense than that of Mao.

Nathan said, "When one person holds so much power, it inevitably brings various psychological issues. His personal issue is that if he appoints a successor, he fears that the successor may be eager to replace him. In Mao’s era, Liu Shaoqi was initially chosen as his successor. Later, Mao dismantled Liu Shaoqi. Then there was Lin Biao. Xi Jinping, to this day, has avoided this issue and thus has no successor. His lack of a successor may be due to fear."

"If there were a successor, dissenters could rally around that successor, possibly leading to his downfall. So, this (psychological pathology) issue exists."

Hu Ping believes that the court politics of the Xi Jinping era is even more perilous than in Mao’s era, which is an undeniable fact.

He said, "Without a doubt, this state of court politics in China still exists and is, one could say, more severe than before. Think about it—since Mao Zedong came to power in 1949, he launched movement after movement, including the later Lushan Conference and the Cultural Revolution, purging one batch after another of officials at all levels, including his two designated successors. His power only grew increasingly concentrated and enormous."

"But at the same time, he also increasingly felt unsafe. The more enemies he purged and the more people he overthrew, the more enemies he created for himself. As a result, he increasingly felt that no one around him could be trusted, that everyone wanted to harm him. Thus, he fell into this kind of fear, a kind of pathology."

"Xi Jinping’s situation is similar. Since coming to power, Xi has launched a massive purge under the guise of anti-corruption, purging high-ranking figures within the Party, including Bo Xilai, Zhou Yongkang, and Ling Jihua. Throughout his entire decade in power, the number of high-ranking officials he has purged, especially military leaders, is unprecedented."

"In such circumstances, how can you expect Xi Jinping to feel secure? Especially after the 20th Party Congress, everyone around him was supposedly promoted by him, with the Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao factions largely removed, such as Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong. Yet, Xi Jinping has continued to purge one group after another. Although Mao Zedong did not trust many people, he never doubted the loyalty of Wang Dongxing, who was in his inner circle. But look at Xi Jinping now—even with the so-called Central Guard Corps, now called the Central Guard Bureau, he does not trust these people either, replacing them over and over. Some even mysteriously died."

The Significance of Li Zhisui’s Book in Understanding Today’s China under the CCP

In The Private Life of Chairman Mao, Dr. Li Zhisui revealed many chilling, secret behaviors and statements of Mao Zedong. Which of these aspects are most educational for understanding today’s China under the CCP and its ruler, Xi Jinping? As a professor of political science, Andrew Nathan offers this perspective:

"There may be two aspects. One is whether excessive concentration of power means that people dare not speak the truth, or are afraid to speak the truth. While a democratic system has many problems, a prominent one is the issue of truth because, in many respects, in politics, in opposition, in the media, there are many people willing to speak the truth. But in an authoritarian regime, if no one dares to speak the truth, the leader lacks reliable information to make policy decisions."

"Another interesting aspect is the relationship between political power and personal life. I mean, if someone has a lot of power in their hands, will they abuse that power to treat others as tools? Mao was like this. In his personal life, he showed a general attitude of treating others as tools, not seeing them as independent individuals with intrinsic value."

Hu Ping believes that reading Li Zhisui’s book and understanding the Mao era is significant for understanding the Xi era. He said:

"Li Zhisui mentioned many things. For instance, he said that if, at the start of the Great Leap Forward, Mao Zedong had known the real situation, he might not have been unwilling to stop that great disaster, the famine. Even though Mao was a dictatorial tyrant, he probably wouldn’t have wanted the Chinese people to die if he’d known that the Great Leap Forward didn’t result in bumper crops or yields exceeding ten thousand jin per mu."

"But this is the problem. His oppressive rule itself created a system of lies, surrounding him with falsehoods. When he discovered the problem, correcting others would be very serious, as correcting mistakes would directly threaten his own authority. Thus, the tyrant would rather continue down the wrong path to the end."

"We know there's an example like this in Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Yuan Shao was obstinate and self-willed; during the Battle of Guandu, he ignored the advice of his strategist Tian Feng and even imprisoned him. Later, as expected, he was defeated by Cao Cao. When news of the defeat reached them, the prison guard told Tian Feng, 'Look, our lord didn’t listen to your advice and ended up losing the battle. Now you might have a chance to be reinstated.' Tian Feng replied, 'It’s not like that. If our lord had won the battle, I might still have a chance to live; if he’s lost, then I will surely die.' As expected, when Yuan Shao returned, he killed Tian Feng. This is similar to Mao Zedong’s situation. During the Great Leap Forward and the communal public dining halls in 1958, by the latter half of '58 and the beginning of '59, there was already a severe famine, and people were beginning to starve to death."

"However, Mao didn’t like people who spoke the truth. When he realized that correcting a mistake might weaken his authority, he refused to correct it and chose instead to continue the mistake, allowing it to worsen. I think this is a crucial characteristic of Communist authoritarianism. This aspect is vividly revealed in your book, providing valuable insights for understanding Xi Jinping’s rule as well."

In Despair and Helplessness, What Can Be Done Besides 'Lying Flat'?

Today, the idea of 'lying flat' has become widespread in China, with many people choosing this path. This seems to reflect a sense of despair and helplessness that many Chinese feel under Xi Jinping’s rule, similar to the late Mao Zedong era as described in Dr. Li Zhisui’s book. This situation has led many to wonder if, beyond escapism or cursing the situation, there might be other, better ways to cope with the current despair and helplessness.

When asked this question, Columbia University political science professor Andrew Nathan, who studies contemporary Chinese politics, responded:

"As a foreigner, it’s difficult for me to offer any advice to Chinese people. But if we look at the '89 pro-democracy movement, the fall of Communist regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and recent events in Venezuela and Bangladesh, there’s a common lesson. If most people’s psychological state reaches a certain point, a crisis will eventually occur. In other words, when people can no longer bear it, an internal crisis will eventually emerge, and people will eventually come out to oppose the rulers."

"Meanwhile, we don’t know when such a situation will happen. So what attitude should be taken before that time comes? One approach is to live as truthfully as possible, as (former Czechoslovakian President) Václav Havel advocated—living in truth as much as possible, trying not to deceive oneself and living according to reality."

Scholar Hu Ping believes that while China’s current political situation leaves many feeling helpless, there is still some space between the present state and absolute despair. He said:

"Lying flat itself is a form of resistance. It’s a way for people to express discontent and rejection when they feel repulsed by the situation but lack the strength to engage in direct, active resistance. People adopt this 'lying flat' approach, which is a form of 'go-slow' work tactic. We saw this type of resistance in Mao's era as well, which is academically referred to as 'the resistance of the weak.'"

"Moreover, today’s situation is different from the past. In the past, there was a completely public, planned economy, which meant that people at the bottom—workers, peasants, soldiers—weren't even given the chance to strive because no matter how hard they worked, they couldn't improve their circumstances. Now, with the presence of private enterprises, there is at least some space in this regard. In some sectors, people must work relatively hard simply to improve their survival conditions. Therefore, the extent and prevalence of the 'go-slow' work tactic today still differ from those in the late Mao era."

"This state of go-slow work is, in fact, continuing to accumulate discontent. Eventually, it will find its outlet."

Since its publication 30 years ago, Li Zhisui’s The Private Life of Chairman Mao has become a classic work for studying Mao Zedong and the Mao era. However, in China, this book, which aids in understanding the past of the CCP regime and the present, has remained banned. △

(Reprinted from Voice of America)